Khushal Khan Khattak (1613 - 1689) (Pashto: خوشحال خان خټک) was a Pashtun warrior, poet and tribal chief of the Khattak tribe. He wrote in Pashto during the reign of the Mughal emperors in the seventeenth century, and admonished Afghans to forsake their divisive tendencies and unite. He was a renowned fighter who became known as the "Afghan Warrior Poet".[2] He lived in the foothills of the Hindu Kush mountains in what is now the North-West Frontier Province of western Pakistan.

Biography
Khushal Khan was the son of Shahbaz Khan and was born in Akora (now in Nowshera District, Pakistan). His grandfather, Malik Akoray, was the first Khattak to enjoy widespread fame during the reign of the Mughal King Jalal-ud-din Akbar. Akoray moved from Teri (a village in Karak District) to Sarai Akora, the town which Akoray founded and built. Akoray cooperated with the Mughals to safeguard the trunk route and was generously rewarded for his assistance. The Akor Khels, a clan named after Akoray, still hold a prominent position in the Khattak tribe. The Khattak tribe of Khushhal Khan now (2007) lives in areas of Karak, Kohat, Nowshera, Peshawar, Mardan and in other parts of the North-West Frontier Province.
Khushhal Khan’s life can be divided into two important parts — during his adult life he was mostly engaged in the service of the Mughal King, and during his old age he was preoccupied with the idea of the unification of the Pashtuns.
His first involvement in war occurred when he was just 13 years old. Shah Jehan appointed him as the tribal chief and Mansabdar at the age of 28 after the death of his father. By appointment of the Mughul emperor, Shah Jehan, Khushhal succeeded his father in 1641, but in 1658, Aurangzeb, Shah Jehan's successor, locked him away as a prisoner in the Gwalior fortress.
Rebellion
After Khushhal was permitted to return to Pashtun dominated areas (now constituting Pakistan), he incited the Afghans to rebel against the Mughal Emperor Aurenzeb.
Along with the Rajputs, the Pashtun tribesmen of the Empire were considered the bedrock of the Mughal Army. They were crucial defenders of the Mughal Empire from the threat of invasion from the West. The Pashtun revolt in 1672 was triggered when soldiers under the orders of the Mughal Governor Amir Khan attempted to molest women of the Safi tribe in modern day Kunar. The Safi tribes attacked the soldiers. This attack provoked a reprisal, which triggered a general revolt of most of the tribes. Attempting to reassert his authority, Amir Khan led a large Mughal Army to the Khyber pass. There the army was surrounded by tribesmen and routed, with only four men, including the Governor, managing to escape.
After that the revolt spread, with the Mughals suffering a near total collapse of their authority along the Pashtun belt. The closure of the important Attock-to-Kabul trade route along the Grand Trunk road was particularly critical. By 1674 the situation had deteriorated to a point where Aurangzeb himself camped at Attock to personally take charge. Switching to diplomacy and bribery along with force of arms, the Mughals eventually split the rebellion and while they never managed to wield effective authority outside the main trade route, the revolt was partially suppressed. However the long term anarchy on the Mughal frontier that prevailed as a consequence ensured that Nadir Shah's forces half a century later faced little resistance on the road to Delhi.
Forced to flee after the Mughals reasserted control, he died after many years of attempting to unite the various Pakhtun tribes together.
His grave carries the inscription:da afghan pa nang me watarla tura, nanagyalai da zamana khushal khattak yam "I have taken up the sword to defend the pride of the Afghan, I am Khushal Khattak, the honorable man of the age." Khushhal Khan Khattak died on February 25, 1689, in Dambara.
The Mazar of Khushal Khan Khattak is situated near the Railway Station of Akora Khattak in Nowshera district. N.W.F.P, Pakistan.
Published works
His poetry consists of more than 45,000 poems. According to some historians the number of books written by him is more than 200. His more famous books are Baz Nama, Fazal Nama, Distar Nama and Farrah Nama.
H. G. Raverty was the first translator of Khattak into English; Selections from the Poetry of Afghans (1862, Kolkata) has ninety eight poetic pieces. This was followed by Biddulph’s translation Selections from the Poetry of Khushhal Khan Khattak in 1890 published in London. Evelyn Howell and Olaf Caroe jointly translated and published The Poems of Khushhal Khan Khattak in 1963, from the University of Peshawar. Another translation was that by Dr N. Mackenzie Poems from the Diwan of Khushhal Khan Khattak published from London in 1965.
Dost Mohammad Khan Kamil was the first Pakhtoon scholar to initiate research on Khattak along scientific lines. He wrote two important and comprehensive books, one in English called On a Foreign Approach to Khushhal and the other in Urdu titled Khushhal Khan Khattak published in 1952. Diwan-i-Khushhal Khan Khattak was published under the directive of H .W. Bellew in 1869 (Jail Press, Peshawar), the manuscript of which was provided by Sultan Bakhash Darogha, an employee of the British government. More recently his poetry has been translated again.
In October 2002, a book on Khushal Khan Khattak "Khushal Khan, The Afghan Warrior Poet and Philosopher " has been published. Sponsored by Pashtoon Cultural Society (Regd) and Pashto Adabi Society (Regd) Islamabad/Rawalpindi, written by a well known writer and scholar, Ghani Khan Khattak who is reputed for having established the literary and cultural societies and for promoting Pushto literary and cultural activities in the federal capital, Islamabad (Pakistan). The significance of the above named book lies in that this is the first book in English on Khushal. Most of the written material available on Khushal Khan Khattak is either in Pashto or in Urdu. Although orientalists have always given importance to Khushal in their findings but they have not ever presented a detailed picture of the exceptional man known as Khushal Khan.
Criticism of Pashtuns
Khushal Khan Khattak was very frustrated with his fellow Pashtuns particularly those who had gone to India as he believed they had lost their ways by adopting the nature and intermarriage with the ethnic Indian peoples; he expressed his frustration and anger toward his fellow Pashtuns in his poetry. In a poem called Pathans, he writes:
“ ::Of the Pathans that are famed in the land of Roh,
Now-a-days are the Mohmands, the Bangash, and the Warrakzais, and the Afridis.
The dogs of the Mohmands are better than the Bangash,
Though the Mohmands themselves are a thousand times worse than the dogs.
The Warrakzais are the scavengers of the Afridis,
Though the Afridis, one and all, are but scavengers themselves.
This is the truth of the best of the dwellers in the land of Pathans,
Of those worse than these who would say that they were men?
No good qualities are there in the Pathans than are now living,
All that were of any worth are imprisoned in the grave.
This indeed is apparent to all who know them.
Death
Khushal khan Khattak died in 1689, in his will which he described in one of his beautiful verses, he wished for his final resting place to be "as far from the soil disgraced by the Mogals" as his heirs could find. He is buried near Akora Khattak in N.W.F-P.. A tomb site with a rest house and a library in his name have also been erected at the site.
Content Taken from wikipedia.com.

Pashtoonwali

Pakhtoonwali / Pashtoonwali / Pakhtunwali / Pashtunwali
"I despise the man who does not guide his life by honour
The very word honour drives me mad".
(Khushal Khan Khattak)
The Pukhtoon social structure, which has attracted the attention of many a scholar is mainly governed by conventions and traditions and a code of honour known as "Pukhtoonwali". This un-written code is the keystone of the arch of the Pukhtoons' social fabric. It exercises a great influence on their actions and has been held sacrosanct by them generation after generation. The Pukhtoonwali or the Pukhtoon code of honour embraces all the activities from the cradle to the grave. It imposes upon the members of the Pukhtoon society four chief obligations. Firstly Nanawatey or repentance over past hostility or inimical attitude and grant of asylum, secondly Teega or a truce declared by a Jirga to avoid bloodshed between two rival factions, thirdly Badal or obligation to seek revenge by retaliation and fourthly Melmastiya or an open hearted hospitality which is one of the most sublime and noble features of Pukhtoon character. In a broad sense hospitality, magnanimity, chivalry, honesty, uprightness, patriotism, love and devotion for the country are the essential features of Pukhtoonwali.
The history of Pukhtoonwali is as old as the history of the Pukhtoons and every individual of Pukhtoon society is expected to abide by these age old traditions. The non-observance of these customary laws is considered disgraceful and may lead to expulsion of an individual or even a whole family. Pukhtoonwali, Pukhto and Pukhtoon have become almost synonymous terms.
Some useful words that signify individual or collective Pashtoon Tribal functions are given below. These words are common to Pathan society and language but some, unfortunately have fallen into disuse in the Settled areas.
Melmastia, Badal, Nanawatey, Nang, Tor, Tarboor, Lashkar, Jirga, Rogha, Belga, Bota, Hujra, Karhay (Tiga), Chalweshti, Nikkat, Badragga, Hamsaya, Qalang, Gundi, Baramta, Balandra (Ashar), Meerata, Lokhay Warkawal ,Chigha, Tarr, Mila Tarr, Badnar, Mu'ajib, Lungai, Nagha, Saz, Aitbar.
Pakhtoonwali is an unwritten democratic, socio-political culture, law and ideology of the Pakhtoon society inherited from their forefathers and carried on to the present generation, it is a dominant force of Pakhtoon culture and identity.
Pakhtoonwali is basically conservative but radical, apparently dictatorial while naturally democratic centuries old, but still a young phenomenon in the Pakhtoon culture and socio-economic structure.
Pakhtoon society, by the virtue of Pakhtoonwali, went straight to the feudal social structure without experiencing an era of slavery.
Pakhtana have preserved their culture in the course of a long history up to the present capitalistic socio-economic structure. And Pakhtoonwali has been able to maintain a powerful dialectical balance of the Pakhtoon society 1.
Pakhtoonwali as a complement of the Pakhtoon society, for its perfection and reform, has undergone carious legal, political, economic and cultural changes in rules and regulation and has developed into an accepted comprehensive constitution. Pakhtoonwali consists of qualifications such as Khpelwaki (self authority), Sialy (Equality), Jirga (Assemble), Roogha (reconciliation or compromise), Badal (revenge), Barabary (equivalence), Teega/Nerkh (Law), Arbakai (messengers) Aziz/Azizwale (clan, clanship), Terbor/Terborwali (cousin and tribal rivalries), Nang (competence), Gairat (enthusiasm), Ooga Warkawel (giving lift to persons in need), Pannah Warkawel (Offering asylum), Ashar (shared co-operative work), Zhemana (Commitment), Melater (patrons), Chagha (Call for action), Soola (truce) and other.
Pakhtoonwali is a democratic structure emphasizing of Jirga, Sialy and Barabary. It is a defensive system in terms of Jirga, Chagha and Arbakai. It is a legal system in terms of Jirga, Teega/Nerkh, Pannah and Roogha. This system has managed all social and internal affairs of the Pakhtoon society before and after Islam. It has created small and large local governments in Central and South Asia.
All the Pakhtana social structures are undergoing political processes and are forged into certain socio-economic evolutionary shapes. The 8 centuries’ perpetual Pakhtoon nationalism animated a political central government for the first time in the 12 th century and then established a strong centralized government in the mid 18 th century.
All small and large tribes and ethnic groups participated in the reform and improvement of the government administration and in its various economic, social and cultural aspects. With the strengthening of relations among these ethnic groups in socio-economic affairs, Pakhtoon nationalism was transformed into Afghan nationalism.
Afghan nationalism is in fact a 20 th century phenomenon of political power in the form of a centralized state government, Sequentially, Pakhtoonwali is the first foundation stone, Pakhtoon nationalism is second and afghan nationalism is the third and evolutionary phase of political structure, state and nation formation. Pakhtoonwali has a history of several thousand years while Pakhtoon nationalism is only a few hundred years old afghan nationalism is a product of the contemporary 20 th century history.
Islam reached this part of the world in the 7 th century and Pakhtana accepted it as part of their faith and socio-economic culture by the 11 th century 2. Islamic fundamentalism however appeared to influence people’s mentality only after 1964 and practically after 1978. It concentrated the efforts towards a deliberate struggle for taking over political power in the country. The fundamentalists grasped the political power in 1992 and then vandalized the existing government framework of decades old afghan nationalism.
Pahshtunwali as a cultural institution
There is no doubt as to the distinction between Islamic law and Pashtunwali. While there is little reliable information the origins of Pashtunwali, it is a cultural tradition that almost certainly predates Islam. It is in reflection of Pashtun tribal society as well as a guide to conduct and conflict resolution so there is a definite religious influence in it. In Afghanistan and the tribal areas of Pakistan the degree to which Pashtunwali or Islamic law holds sway varies. The soviet invasion and subsequent 25 years of war contributed to a considerable dissolution of traditional tribal custom to the point were Islamic law, that is not necessarily grounded in tribal and family tradition, has taken hold and now plays a larger role in the society. In Pakistan, the central governments attempt to bring the tribal areas under it's control has had a similar effect. In many areas an Islamic Ulema rather than the Jirga is the institution called upon to decide matters in the community. However, the Pashtunwali is still not likely to entirely replaced. It is still common for a person with a dispute or accused of a crime to be asked whether he wants to be judged under Islamic law or the Pashtunwali.